Feminist legal theory - Free Essay Example

Sample details Pages: 11 Words: 3241 Downloads: 2 Date added: 2017/06/26 Category Society Essay Type Argumentative essay Level High school Tags: Gender Equality Essay Gender Essay Did you like this example? The essentialism critique has posed a serious challenge to Feminist Legal Theory. Can the challenge be overcome? The importance of feminism to legal theory as a whole is, and always should be, the highlighting of hidden social and legal norms that society and legal scholars ignore behind a faÃÆ' §ade of neutrality. The problem for feminism as a foundationalist attack on the assumptions of law, rather than law in itself, is its status as a à ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã‹Å"social movement that radically challenges existing hierarchiesà ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã¢â€ž ¢[1]. Don’t waste time! Our writers will create an original "Feminist legal theory" essay for you Create order The main problem of a à ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã‹Å"movementà ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã¢â€ž ¢ such as feminism is that they are generally their own worst enemies in that seeking to replace existent norms they put in place ones that have just as many hidden dialectics as the previous norms. In many ways feminist legal theory has never quite been sure of itself, there is an underlying dissatisfaction with the treatment of women in society generally but no clear way forward. Grosz[2] pointed out that feminist legal scholars who had initially fought for equality quickly discovered that equality merely meant equality at male standards and had to swap equality-discourse for autonomous-discourse, namely an adherence to liberal principles of self-determination for women and men to create their own experiences. In the initial stages of this realisation the feminist à ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã‹Å"movementà ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã¢â€ž ¢ seemed to falter at the enormity of the iceberg of which they had discovered the tip. The current critiques of femini sm fundamentally question the aim and possibility of any concept of feminism just as they discovered with equality, the question this work fundamentally attempts to answer is whether there is any potential for redemption of feminist theory. The problem is that a theory can only reach a certain abstraction before it becomes of any use, Minow has argued the anti-essentialist critique of feminism points out the à ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã‹Å"un-stated reference points that hide from view a preferred position and shield it from challenge by other plausible alternativesà ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã¢â€ž ¢[3] have been uncovered within feminism. This means that the enormity of the task that was facing feminists when challenging merely the male reference points within law has increased exponentially in constructing a sensible view of feminism, however a subject such as this was always going to be ripe for a post-modern critique. It is as well to understand the fundamental arguments at stake and begin to fully articulate what we mean by the critique of essentialism and ità ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã¢â€ž ¢s meaning for feminist accounts of law. The idea of essentialism can be fundamentally described as à ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã‹Å"the notion that there is a monolithic à ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã‹Å"womenà ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã¢â€ž ¢s experienceà ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã¢â€ž ¢ that can be described independent of other facets of experience like race, class and sexual orientationà ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã¢â€ž ¢[4]. The use of meta-narratives is a common tool within all western legal theory and is supposed to have come from much of enlightenment thought, the fundamental idea of the enlightenment was that humans could describe and comprehend their own existence without reference to a God. This desire in rational scholars to reduce theories to meta-narratives has been exposed in recent years by scholars that wish to show how these meta-narratives have inherent assumptions that underpin them. There are many feminist writers who espouse feminist meta-narratives, Robin Westà ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã¢â €ž ¢s account is probably the most forthright of these, in her account it isnà ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã¢â€ž ¢t so much a hidden assumption but a declaration of faith: à ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã‹Å"The claim that we are individuals à ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã‹Å"firstà ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã¢â€ž ¢ and the claim that what separates us is epistemologically and morally prior to what connects us à ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã¢â‚¬Å" while trivially true of men, are patently untrue of womenà ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã¢â€ž ¢[5] West argued that the potentiality for motherhood was a defining characteristic of all women and that it connected them and gave them a fundamentally unique link; she also argued that other experiences such as menstruation, heterosexual penetration and breastfeeding all gave women a connected nature. Many other writers didnà ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã¢â€ž ¢t make forthright assumptions such as this but rather took a different essentialist stance the archetypal villain here is Catherine MacKinnon[6] who implicitly argues that the distinctions between women are of a le sser importance than the distinction between men and women. She is accused of having a colour-blind approach that privileges her opinions of what it is to be a woman over say a black woman[7] or a lesbian[8], even when such writers acknowledge the distinctions between women they socially construct those differences so as to make no difference[9]. In MacKinnonà ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã¢â€ž ¢s case this was seen as a failure to acknowledge the non-subordination to men that lesbian writers claim to experience through their sexuality, this was rejected by MacKinnon as she still saw sexuality as constructed by male dominance however this means that were we to accept fully MacKinnonà ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã¢â€ž ¢s à ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã‹Å"millennialà ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã¢â€ž ¢ moment where a groupsà ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã¢â€ž ¢ qualities become à ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã‹Å"part of the standard by which humanity is measuredà ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã¢â€ž ¢[10] that standard would represent a white heterosexual womenà ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã¢â€ž ¢s experience and still leave black or lesbi an womenà ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã¢â€ž ¢s experiences unprivileged. The above debate is at the heart of the problem for a corpus of writers that we could varyingly call traditional feminists, stage two feminists or essential feminists. It is the critique, by feminist writers, of feminist ideals that has proved so divisive for the theory. The central issue for reflective writers on the à ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã‹Å"dominant discourseà ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã¢â€ž ¢ and its inherent ignorance of internal distinctions has been to consider the position of feminism in the aftermath of these realisations. There is no rebuttal of an anti-essentialist stance; perhaps because feminist writers were quick to appreciate their own methods being used internally against the feminist movement, any arguments that rebutted the anti-essentialist stance would also rebut the main propositions of these feminist writers. This quandary for feminist writers is reflected in a wider difficulty for current accounts of law that are primarily based on meta-narratives of neutrality and are challenged by postmodernist accounts. The problem with this for feminism is that the identification of women as a non-unitary group nor even a group in which one can describe a baseline existential commonality is that it pulls down every effort of feminism because equality for women becomes equality for white heterosexual women, the challenging of male paradigms in law with reference to à ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã‹Å"femaleà ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã¢â€ž ¢ paradigms and discourse on the lawà ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã¢â€ž ¢s subordination of à ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã‹Å"womenà ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã¢â€ž ¢ are all undermined. This has lead to feminists using postmodernism as a vehicle in attempting to overcome the essentialism problem and revitalising feminism as a vehicle for social and legal change. However as this writer will show this attempt has been ultimately unsuccessful and could perhaps lead to a rejection of feminism. The approach has been different from many writers and this is precisely what has cause d confusion for any sensible restructuring of the debate. The anti-essentialist feminists do not argue the same point, some argue that all that is required is a widening of the appreciation of the intra-women differences not just an acknowledging of them but a deeper understanding of the lesbian and black existential experiences. On reading much of the writing surrounding same-sex provisions in law there is a continual theme that assimilating lesbians and gays into marriage isnà ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã¢â€ž ¢t sufficient, marriage is a concept that implies monogamy and stability for children both fundamental attitudes that many homosexuals do not agree with given their existential experiences. In similarity, many post-modern feminists merely ask for a deeper understanding of the concept of women, namely that what being a à ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã‹Å"womenà ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã¢â€ž ¢ is for a white heterosexual woman isnà ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã¢â€ž ¢t so for black, homosexual women[11]. Some feminists such as Crenshaw have taken a novel approach and suggested that rather than talking about à ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã‹Å"womenà ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã¢â€ž ¢ in some form of meta-narrative that the only way to escape the essentialist mindset is to develop a theory talks to the à ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã‹Å"intersectional experiences of those whom the movement claim as their respective constituentsà ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã¢â€ž ¢[12], she argues what essentialism has done is to compartmentalise the struggles of constituents of various disadvantaged group, she seems to be arguing that any discourse about à ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã‹Å"womenà ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã¢â€ž ¢ ought to take a bottom-up approach that aims to make things not just better for women but better for black, lesbian women or some other similarly constructed individual that represents the praxis of intersectional discrimination experiences[13]. However, in my opinion this defence to the essentialism critique is unconvincing when we look at the fundamental claim that many anti-essentialists are making is that discourse about wo men generally makes patriarchal assumptions such as the naturalness of heterosexuality[14], the ability to deal with this by simply putting those who are seen as most disadvantaged at the centre of reform efforts and thereby treating the needs of only singularly disadvantaged individuals is unconvincing. In my opinion the widening of such a concept obliterates any meaning that concepts of disadvantaged people can have; is it possible to say that discrimination, in itself is unitary, by this I mean that an assumption that says we can challenge meta-narratives by widening the meta-narrative fail to realise that the same critique will apply to widened meta-narratives. The realisation, for example, that the discrimination transsexuals feel is based on a binary view of gender challenges the entire notion of gender as we understand that concept. Such challenges cannot be lumped together because of their disparate nature; how do we de-privilege a binary view of sex without necessarily blur ring the very real discrimination women suffer in our society? These exact concerns have motivated many feminists to try and reject post-modern feminist stances: à ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã‹Å"Equivalence of all biases and particularities and reduces the feminist ethic to just one of many equally valid viewpoints [and] if taken to its ultimate conclusion must condone an anarchist and wholly de-regulated economic and social policyà ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã¢â€ž ¢[15] However the post-modern feminists do have other strings to their bows, Bell Hooks has argued for a particularly novel solution to the problem in that she advocates that that we reconfigure feminism as a movement that one à ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã‹Å"advocatesà ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã¢â€ž ¢ rather than what one à ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã‹Å"isà ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã¢â€ž ¢. The distinction allows people of disparate identities and who donà ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã¢â€ž ¢t fully subscribe to hard-line feminism to still use it as a movement through which we can challenge sexual discrimination and oppression. In many ways this seems like Catherine MacKinnonà ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã¢â€ž ¢s retort to her post-modern critics[16] who argue that feminism is not essentialism in the sense that it is not making any pre-destined assumptions about à ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã‹Å"womanà ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã¢â€ž ¢ just that there are commonalities between women that exist in the way that they are treated in that all women are subordinated in certain ways and therefore we must argue for à ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã‹Å"womenà ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã¢â€ž ¢ on that basis. There have been other attempts to construct post-modern narratives on a larger scale than particular incidences on the level of individuals that seem to be the only possible subjects of post-essentialist feminism as advocated by writers above[17]. These women argue that the à ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã‹Å"inadequacy of post-modernist theoryà ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã¢â€ž ¢ does not necessarily entail that à ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã‹Å"feminist legal theorists should give up theory, and resign ourselves to a strategy of pragmatic engagement with positive lawà ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã¢â€ž ¢[18]. These accounts have generally drawn upon a less well-known body of theories springing from Kant called Aestheticism. This theory is ideally suited to overcoming the arguments of feminism; to classify something in reference to aesthetics is to make no judgement about its purpose or its designation. The example Barron uses is a rose: If one looks at a rose and says this is a à ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã‹Å"roseà ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã¢â€ž ¢ then that makes biological and genus assumptions however if one says this is à ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã‹Å"beautifulà ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã¢â€ž ¢ that is not to make any preformed opinion but just a statement of its aesthetics. The basis of a theory on what that is wholly determined by reference to the sentient determinants of behavior avoid an individualist interpretation and can more readily accept a pluralist approach to overcome the essentialism debate. The different positions of writers in this corpus of theories such as Drucilla Cornell and Catherine Butler are highly a bstract and complex drawing on the ideas of the image of the body within law and the use of aestheticism in constructing these images and how these images can be disruptive in social spheres. In many ways on a reading of these theories that attempt to avoid essentialism it is difficult to understand how it solves the problems of essentialism. For example, Barron argues that we can find a post-modern structure for law by realising that we are unable to access objective reality when we contemplate something such as à ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã‹Å"womenà ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã¢â€ž ¢ however this id merely to state our limitations as human beings, what we can do is speak of the female body as à ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã‹Å"imagedà ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã¢â€ž ¢ i.e. representations of reality which acknowledge their lack of reality. Therefore when asking whether the use of the concept à ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã‹Å"womanà ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã¢â€ž ¢ is right in certain situations we donà ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã¢â€ž ¢t appeal to whether this is a potentially à ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã‹Å"realà ¢Ã¢â €š ¬Ã¢â€ž ¢ description of women but rather whether the use of the word women accesses a particularistic identification with particular women that can be generalised into a shared experience. The theory outlined here is highly sophisticated and this work cannot do justice to ità ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã¢â€ž ¢s concepts but as cursory rebuttal it would appear that the movement away from concepts to aestheticism seems to me like swapping one potentially manipulative discourse with another. How is it possible to acknowledge a particularistic feeling that leads to a shared experience, which aesthetic experiences are purely particularistic rather than shared? And can it ever be measured? Unfortunately none of its proponents have ever propounded a normative theory of law premised upon these realisations and so it is hard for us to criticise the value of these theories to law. In concluding this essay I want to lay out clearly for the reader why it is that we ought to reject feminism and why the abov e debate highlights fundamental tensions that challenge the entire subject area. I will draw on various areas to show how we cannot possibly hope to keep a feminist approach that is in any way coherent. The classic argument that is used to overcome essentialist critiques is that à ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã‹Å"there is enough that is cohesive and common about the category of woman to bridge the differences for purposes of political solidarityà ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã¢â€ž ¢[19]. In my opinion it appears as though certain feminists hold onto this as a mantra so as to save feminism from the obvious conclusion; law reform based on meta-narratives will always be flawed. In many ways I agree with Catherine MacKinnon that some of the post-modern critiques miss the fact that feminism isnà ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã¢â€ž ¢t actively denying that there are differences between women, in fact of all the liberal legal theory traditions feminism is perhaps the most pluralistic. However, this realisation doesnà ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã¢â€ž ¢t save it fro m being considered ineffective; take for example the argument of baseline biological or societal commonality i.e. being a woman is fundamentally distinct from being a man or all women are oppressed everywhere. If we accepted these claims prima facie and move back to the original project of feminism i.e. to make changes to social structures such as the law that enforce masculine norms of female subordination. Is it possible for feminism to avoid the problem that it is à ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã‹Å"a discourse which constructs its own object, `women, in the same way that discourses on sexuality construct theirsà ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã¢â€ž ¢?[20] The commonality that writers assume shows the same blind-sidedness that legal positivism showed to its critics in the beginning. The infinite regression of feminist argument shows its futility in combating the concerns of post-modernism for example take the statement by MacKinnon that all women are subject to subordination in all societies, this just regresses the probl em to a societal level because whilst it maybe true that all women are subordinated they most certainly are not subordinated in similar manners. Therefore the use of rape laws subordinates white women and black women in different ways; Black women view rape laws as a way of suppressing black people generally by using a à ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã‹Å"patriarchal idealisation of white womanhoodà ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã¢â€ž ¢[21] to justify violence against black people and create a differential between rape of a white woman and of a black woman[22]. Therefore reforming the rape laws on the behalf of à ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã‹Å"womanà ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã¢â€ž ¢ ignores that whilst in both cases there is subordination the subordination is distinct. Feminism will always find itself being attacked from within and without following the realisations of anti-essentialism. In my opinion the most fundamental example of why is to look again at the example of transsexuals, post-modern theorists concerned with transsexualism argue that any rhet oric about groups whether this be gender groups or sexuality groups cannot possibly understand the particularistic existence of people who endlessly and continually recreate their personality, sexuality, identity, gender and mind. In my mind the problem essentialism creates for feminism is insurmountable simply because it is the recognition that binary concepts and fixed points of reference cannot provide analytical tools from which to judge law. The idea that you can recreate feminism in some sort of abstract metaphor or image is so removed from reality as to be almost useless as a contribution to normative legal theory, nor cannot it be revitalised by any of the other arguments presented within this article. The reason for this is that even if we can construct some abstract form or analytical version of à ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã‹Å"womanà ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã¢â€ž ¢ that can be used discursively the inevitable sweep to normative propositions and a pressure for reform by a à ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã‹Å"movementà ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã¢â€ž ¢ using those propositions ends up skewing the analytical tool that it was premised on into a form of meta-narrative which in feminism has merely lead to the situation where à ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã‹Å"all woman are the same but some are more the same than othersà ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã¢â€ž ¢. Books Barnett, HilaireSourcebook on Feminist JurisprudenceCavendish / 1997 Weisberg, D.KellyFeminist Legal Theory FoundationsTemple Univ. Press / 1993 Articles Anderson, Feminist Epistemology and Philosophy of ElizabethSciencehttps://plato.stanford.edu/entries/ Barron, AnneFeminism, Aestheticism and the Limits Of2000 FLS 275 Law Grigolo, MicheleSexualities And The ECHR: Introducing 2003 EJIL 1023 The Universal Sexual Legal Subject Gunby, IngridA à ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã‹Å"Postmodern Feministà ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã¢â€ž ¢ identity Politics?www.massey.ac.nz MacKinnon, Points Against Postmodernism2000 C-KLR 687 Catherine Pinkus, JennyFeminist Poststructuralism1996 www.massey.ac.nz Sayer, AndrewEssentialism, Social Constructionism 1997 Socio. Rev 454 Beyond Stapleton, KarynIn Search of the Self: Feminism, 2000 FP 463 Postmodernism and Identity Online Sources www.worldlii.org www.lexisnexis.com www.swetswise.com 1 Footnotes [1] Littleton (1987) [2] Grosz à ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã‹Å"What is Feminist Theoryà ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã¢â€ž ¢ in Barnett (1997) [3] Minow à ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã‹Å"Feminist Reason: Getting it losing Ità ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã¢â€ž ¢ in Weisberg (1993) [4] Harris (199)) [5] West, Robin à ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã‹Å"Jurisprudence Genderà ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã¢â€ž ¢ in Barnett (1997) [6] She is the subject of attack in Cain and Harrisà ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã¢â€ž ¢ anti-essentialist works both detailed in Weisberg (1993) [7] Harris attacks this angle [8] Cain attacks this angle [9] Spelman argued that the essentialist feminist reduced essentialist critiques to à ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã‹Å"such differences simply are less significant than what women have in commonà ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã¢â€ž ¢ quoted in Cain Ibid. [10] MacKinnonà ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã¢â€ž ¢s Difference Dominance: On Sex Discrimination in Barnett (1997) [11] This is Cainà ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã¢â€ž ¢s solution. See Cain OP Cit6à ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã‚ ¦p.364 365 [12] Crenshaw (1989) [13] I find this particularly unpersuasi ve for the same reason I reject Grigolo (2003)à ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã¢â€ž ¢s à ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã‹Å"Universal Sexual Subjectà ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã¢â€ž ¢ given that the rights that such a subject are still essential in the sense that they make fundamental assumptions about what such a universal subject would want and inevitably make a false claim of equality which mirrors the complaints of feminists against patriarchal law. [14] This is the argument of Patricia Cain Supra N6 [15] Cited in Pinkus, J (1996) [16] MacKinnon (2000) [17] Barron (2000) p.278 [18] Ibid. [19] Bender (1990) in Barnett (1997) p.204 [20] Gunby (Online Article) [21] Harris Supra N4 [22] For example studies show that in rape sentencing in 1968 that in all cases in Maryland where the death penalty was applied was for rape of a white women whereas between 1960 and 1967 47% of all black men convicted of sexual assault on a black woman were released on probation (Harris Ibid, at p.350 à ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã¢â‚¬Å" 351)

A Comparison of The death of a hired man and Out, Out- by...

A Comparison of The death of a hired man and Out, Out- by Robert Frost Robert frost was born in Vermont in 1874 and died in 1963. Robert Frost was a farmer and lived in Vermont, USA. Both poems The death of a hired man and Out, Out- are set on a farm in Vermont which is probably because of where Robert Frost lived and worked. I will know begin to discuss the similarities. As I said previously both poems are set in a farm enviroment. The poem The death of a hired man is probably set in winter so there would not be a lot of work to be done therefore Warren; the owner of the farm would not need to hire any workers because he would be able to do the work himself. The poem ?Out, Out is set in summer therefore there would†¦show more content†¦Also, in both poems, I think that there is a realisation of the inevitable. In ?The death of a hired man? it?s when Silas goes to the one place that he can call home; Warren and Mary?s farm, but even in his death Silas is still a very proud man. ?He wouldn?t let me put him on the lounge.? This means that Silas would rather sit on the floor than on a couch, as this is just how he is. The realisation in ?Out, Out-? is when the boy realised that he was losing too much blood and soon would die. ?Then the boy saw all-?. I will now begin to discuss the differences between the two poems. My first difference is that Silas is a very old man and has lived a full life and his death is very peaceful and expected but in ?Out, Out-? the young boys death is very violent and unexpected. One moment the boys working and all is OK, the next he?s without a hand and losing blood rapidly. I think that in the first poem the poet is trying to tell us that death will come to us all, eventually but in ?Out, Out-? I think that the poet is trying to tell us to live life to the fullest we can because you never know what?s around the corner. My next difference is that the two poems have a totally different style, the first poem is presented as a conversation; the poem alters between Warren and Mary speaking to each other whilst in ?Out, Out-? the style is more of a more conventional poem, the poet uses manyShow MoreRelatedLiterary Terms3784 Words   |  16 PagesRichards Almanack is a book of aphorisms. We see them also in the work of Ralph Waldo Emerson and Henry David Thoreau. Example: Let us die trying.--from Two Old Women. Exampe: Comedy is a tragedy plus time. Carol Burnett Example: Whoso would be a man must be a non-conformist. Emerson Ralph W. 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Also I have substituted a revised scenario process for the original to incorporate improvementsRead MoreStrategic Marketing Management337596 Words   |  1351 Pagesand methods An illustration of segmental analysis An alternative approach to segmental analysis Customer profitability analysis Marketing experimentation The nature of productivity The use of ratios Analysing ratios and trends Ratios and interfirm comparison vi CONTENTS 3.13 3.14 A strategic approach Summary 112 116 117 119 119 120 128 136 139 149 153 159 165 167 169 169 170 174 182 188 192 202 214 215 221 223 223 230 236 241 246 248 250 251 255 261 4 Market and environmental analysis

Baroque Composers free essay sample

This means you complete all work In a word processing document (e. G. , Microsoft Word) and attach the file using the dropped tool. Use the unit 5: Text Questions dropped basket. The answers to the Review Critical Thinking questions are worth 10 points. Unit Five: Text Questions Review Questions 1 . What are figured bass and basso continuo? How are they related? 2. What is ornamentation? 3. What is an oratorio? How does it differ from an opera? 4. What is an orchestra? How did the development of orchestras influence Baroque music? 5. What is an Instrumental suite? Critical Talking Questions .What are the characteristics of Baroque music? How would you describe Baroque 2. Choose one of the composers discussed in the unit and listen to several of the composers works. Which works did you listen to? How would you describe this composers music? Why do you think this composer was an influential fugue in arouse music? 3. How did composers and musicians think about themselves during the Baroque period? How did this influence the music that they created? 4. We will write a custom essay sample on Baroque Composers or any similar topic specifically for you Do Not WasteYour Time HIRE WRITER Only 13.90 / page What advantages and disadvantages did Baroque composers have in the patronage system? What did they gain from this practice?What limitations did it place on them? 5. Baroque music often tried to capture and reflect a particular emotion or feeling. Choose one of the musical works in the unit. Identify the work that you chose. What feeling or emotion is the composer trying to capture or reflect in the work? What aspects of the music lead you to this emotion or feeling? Discussion Questions Please post questions and answers on the UNIT FIVE discussion boards. Unless otherwise instructed, you should submit at least one full paragraph for each question. Each discussion assignment is worth 5 points.

The Cold War and U.S. Diplomacy the Truman Doctrine free essay sample

They viewed communism as a secular, millennial religion that informed the Gremlins worldview and actions and made it the chief threat to American security, liberty, and world peace. They rejected the moral equivalence of democratic and Communist governments and concluded that until the regime in Moscow changed only American and Allied strength could curb the Soviets. In early 1947 the British government, which was socialist but anti-Communist, secretly told Washington its treasury was empty and it could no longer give military and economic aid to Greece or Turkey, requested the U S. Sake over. Achaeans convinced Truman to act quickly lest Greece be taken over by its communist artisans who were at the time strongly supported by the Soviet government working through the communist Bulgarian and Yugoslav governments. If Greece fell, Turkey would be helpless and soon the eastern Mediterranean would fall under Stalins control. Following Cohesions advice, Truman in 1947 announced the Truman Doctrine of containing Communist expansion by furnishing military and economic American aid to Europe and Asia, and particularly to Greece and Turkey. We will write a custom essay sample on The Cold War and U.S. Diplomacy the Truman Doctrine or any similar topic specifically for you Do Not WasteYour Time HIRE WRITER Only 13.90 / page The Republican Congress, after extensive hearings, approved this historic change in U. S. Foreign policy in a bill signed May 22, 1947. To whip up American support for the policy of containment, Truman overstated the Soviet threat to the United States. In turn, his statements inspired a wave of hysterical anti-communism throughout the country and set the stage for the emergence of McCarthy. Containment also called for extensive economic aid to assist the recovery of war-torn Western Europe. With many of the regions nations economically and politically unstable, the United States feared that local communist parties, erected by Moscow, would capitalize on their wartime record of resistance to the Nazis and come to power. Something needed to be done, Secretary of State George Marshall noted, for the patient is sinking while the doctors deliberate. Marshall was formerly the highest ranking officer in the U. S. Armed forces and credited as the chief organizer of the American military victory in World War II.In mid-1947 Marshall asked troubled European nations to draw up a program directed not against any country or doctrine but against hunger, poverty, desperation and chaos. The Soviets participated in the first planning meeting, then departed rather than share economic data on their resources and problems, and submit to Western controls on the expenditure of the aid. The remaining 16 nations hammered out a request that finally came to $17 thousand million for a four-year period. In early 1948 Congress voted to assist European economic recovery, dubbed the Marshall Plan, and generally regarded as one of the most successful U.S. Foreign policy initiatives in history. He followed up with the Marshall Plan, which was enacted into law as the European Recovery Program (ERR) and led ultimately to NATO, the North Atlantic Alliance for military defense, signed in 1949. Soviet domination of Eastern Europe alarmed the West. The United States led the effort to create a military alliance to complement economic efforts at containment. In 1949 the United States and 11 other countries established the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO), an alliance based on the principle of collective security.An attack against one was to be considered an attack against all, to be met by appropriate force. The next year, the United States defined its defense aims clearly. The National Security Council (NCSC) undertook a full-fledged review of American foreign and defense policy. The resulting document, known as NCSC-68, signaled a new direction in American security policy. Based on the assumption that the Soviet Union was engaged in a fanatical effort to seize control of all governments wherever possible, the document committed America to assist allied nations anywhere in the world which seemed threatened by Soviet aggression.The United States proceeded o increase defense spending dramatically in response to Soviet threats against Europe and the American, British and French presence in West Berlin. United States support for the partition of Palestine was crucial to the adoption Of the UN partition plan and to the creation Of the State Of Israel. During World War II, the USA was anxious to maintain good relations with Saudi Arabia. President Roosevelt had promised King Saudi that the USA would make no policy decisions about Palestine without consulting the Arabs, though Roosevelt tried to enlist Saudi support for allowing Jewish immigration to Palestine.Following Roosevelt verbal promise to Saudi to consult the Arabs about Palestine policy, he reiterated the promise in writing on April 5, 1945. However, a week later, Roosevelt was dead, replaced by Vice President Harry S. Truman, and the end of the war created a different political reality as well as bringing the revelation of massive murder of Jews in the Holocaust. Traumas support for a Jewish state had evolved over time, shaped by a number of factors. Though LOL Henderson and others in the StateDepartment had insisted that a Jewish state would compromise the position Of the US in the Middle East, the opposite position was equally tenable. The notion that Henderson and Marshall advocated, that the Zionists were communists and would therefore side with the USSR was founded on personal prejudice rather than fact, and backfired when the possibility was raised that the USSR would intervene on behalf of Israel, absent IIS support The idea that Truman had initially entertained, and that the State Department encouraged, that a Jewish state could only be defended by hundreds of husbands of US troops, proved to be groundless.It is probably this realization more than any that turned the tide, and overcame the single greatest objection. On May 14, 1 948, Truman announced recognition of the new state of Israel, making the United States the first major power to do so. We can see that Truman decisions of containment were successful in stopping and preventing the USSR to take over or influence Turkey, Greece, and Israel. This alone is a great victory for democracy. These three countries also were able to joined NATO.